Tribute to Michael Jackson

MJ the most popular man on the earth passed away recently leaving a void which will not be filled for a long time to come.Artist like him are once in a life time phenomenon and I consider myself lucky to have witnessed this great star.Surrounded as he may be with contoroversies alligations and media distortion, nothing can rob him of the great impact that he has left on the music world of Pop.

But there is one aspect of MJ that is really of my concern.He defied the racial norms.In 80's when the blacks were forcibly sterilaised in the UK, ie the 80's, MJ rose to the hights of sucess which very few could reach,Like the dalits in India, blacks were labled incompetant, good for nothing and a burden on civilized society.But in a typical African-American style "MJ proved all of 'em wrong man!!!U cant say Blacks are no god no more."

He was using his star status to voice the black rights.His songs like "Black or White" or "Heal the World" have been instrumental in creating social awareness through out the world.In a society dominated by the Whites to rise to an unimaginable level is by no mean a small feat.

Often the struggle of Black is equated with the struggle of dalits in india.The similarities are truly astounding.The other day I was listening to one of his Song and suddenly it dwaned to me that this is not a song confined only to the blacks.It is a song tailor made to the indian continant only.Just change of two words and the song completely brings out the dalit woes.Just have a look :

They Dont Really Care About Us:

Skin head, dead head
Everybody gone bad
Situation, aggravation
Everybody allegation
In the suite, on the news
Everybody dog food
Bang bang, shot dead
Everybody's gone mad

All I wanna say is that
They don't really care about us
All I wanna say is that
They don't really care about us

Beat me, hate me
You can never break me
Will me, thrill me
You can never kill me
Jew me, sue me
Everybody do me
Kick me, kike me
Don't you black or white me

All I wanna say is that
They don't really care about us
All I wanna say is that
They don't really care about us

Tell me what has become of my life
I have a wife and two children who love me
I am the victim of police brutality, now
I'm tired of bein' the victim of hate
You're rapin' me of my pride
Oh, for God's sake
I look to heaven to fulfill its prophecy...
Set me free

Skin head, dead head
Everybody gone bad
trepidation, speculation
Everybody allegation
In the suite, on the news
Everybody dog food
black man, black male
Throw your brother in jail

All I wanna say is that
They don't really care about us
All I wanna say is that
They don't really care about us

Tell me what has become of my rights
Am I invisible because you ignore me?
Your proclamation promised me free liberty, now
I'm tired of bein' the victim of shame
They're throwing me in a class with a bad name
I can't believe this is the land from which I came
You know I do really hate to say it
The government don't wanna see
But if Mahatma was livin' *
He wouldn't let this be, no, no

Skin head, dead head
Everybody gone bad
Situation, speculation
Everybody litigation
Beat me, bash me
You can never trash me
Hit me, kick me
You can never get me

All I wanna say is that
They don't really care about us
All I wanna say is that
They don't really care about us

Some things in life they just don't wanna see
But if Dr. Ambedkar was livin' *
He wouldn't let this be

Skin head, dead head
Everybody gone bad
Situation, segregation
Everybody allegation
In the suite, on the news
Everybody dog food
Kick me, strike me
Don't you wrong or right me

All I wanna say is that
They don't really care about us
All I wanna say is that
They don't really care about us

The original names used were Roosvelt and Martin Luther.But just change those to Mahatma Phule and Dr.Ambedkar and u will see that the entire song describes the condition of dalits in india.

Tribute to this great artist.The world of Pop will surely miss him.

Caste and Technology..Next door Neighbours !!!

We’ve achieved technological excellence in successfully executing a moon mission, but we can’t seem to shed the curse of
untouchability. Nowhere is it more evident than in Byalalu, the command-and-control centre of Chandrayaan-1, about 35 km from Bangalore. Why, we can’t even offer prayers and drink tea together.

Just a few minutes behind Isro’s moon-tracking centre at Byalalu village off Mysore Road, the Gowda community, which laid claim to the Maramma temple in the village along with Dalits, has changed tack. They have given away the temple keys to the Dalits saying they are free to offer prayers as long as they didn’t invite the Gowdas to join them. Pray, but pray on your own, the Gowdas say.

But an offended Dalit community has pulled back, saying no other community offered prayers at temples where they worshipped, smelling social exclusion. They now pray at home, and no community now offers prayers at Maramma temple. The Gowda community has switched over to Anjaneya temple, where the Brahmins prayed.

The Brahmins and Gowdas, by doing puja together and not calling in Dalits, have indirectly excluded them from the second temple too.

Result: Dalits are excluded from both temples.

The Gowdas, who owned a teashop in the village for many years, would sell tea to Dalits in separate glasses. A few days after Byalalu went on stream, TOI found that tea was indeed not being served to Dalits in common glasses and they were not allowed into Maramma temple. The administration acted on TOI’s report and shut the hotel.

Interestingly, no hotel has come up after that — Gowdas and Brahmins don’t run a hotel fearing they’ve to treat Dalits equally, and Dalits don’t run a hotel fearing they would be boycotted.

Source : Times Of India

Race against Caste

The coincidental juxtapositioning of the racist attacks on Indian students in Australia, and the riots that flared across north India last month

when members of the Dera Sach Khand, a Sikh sect comprised largely of Dalits, went on the rampage following the killing of one of their community leaders in far-off Austria, once again raises the question: Is racism the same as casteism?

Though racism continues to be practised in many parts of the world, after the end of apartheid in South Africa it has no fig leaf of political or social legitimacy. Formations like the British National Party (which has recently, for the first time, won two seats in the European Parliament) have racism as their hidden agenda; they cannot openly espouse it but disguise it under the garb of the need for stricter immigration control, and the imperative to preserve the cultural norms of the majority (white) community. The overtly racist Ku Klux Klan in America operates under the cover of anonymous masks.

As an officially sanctioned doctrine, racism has ceased to exist in the world. That it continues to be practised, in Australia and elsewhere, is deplorable, to say the least. But the forces of liberalism can at least claim a shambolic victory in that they have driven racism underground, made it the criminalised territory of mindless thugs and goons.

While organisations such as Amnesty International have equated casteism (particularly as practised against Dalits) with racism, India's official position is that the two cannot be compared. In support of this stand, policymakers point out that the Indian Constitution specifically prohibits discrimination on the basis of caste.

How valid is this argument? Tragically, not very. To begin with, the constitutionally-guaranteed policy of reservations (which continues in expanded mode till now) is in itself an admission of the need to protect lower castes from upper caste discrimination. Casteism, particularly as practised against Dalits, continues to be one of the ugliest stains on our supposedly secular and democratic social fabric. Dalits are routinely attacked, raped, denied entry into temples, and forced to suffer endless humiliations. That 'token' Dalits be it Jagjivan Ram, or Meira Kumar, or even the feisty Mayawati have earned prominent positions for themselves in our political sphere only makes the plight of the vast majority of this brutally downtrodden community all the more agonising.

In many ways, casteism is far more deeply entrenched than racism. Racism is based on the difference of physical characteristics, such as the colour of one's skin. Such visible differences, however, can be obliterated, or at least mitigated, by economic and other factors. For instance, thanks to Japan's 'economic miracle' which made that country one of the richest in the world, the apartheid regime in South Africa accorded Japanese the status of 'honorary Caucasians' who were not subject to Pretoria's segregatory laws.

There is no difference in skin colour, or in DNA, or in any other physical characteristic, between a Dalit and a Brahmin. Yet the social chasm between the two has remained unbridged for millennia. And will probably remain so in perpetuity, no matter what economic advances Dalits make.

So Indian officialdom is right when it says that racism and casteism can't be equated. They can't. For the simple reason that casteism is far more overtly rampant, more widespread and more accepted (at least in India) and more deeply ingrained in our polity than racism is anywhere in the world.

And there is one particular caste in India which, in some ways, is as equally if not more oppressed than Dalits. It is a caste that is routinely burnt alive, killed in the womb, beaten, sexually violated and often subject to lifelong abuse and deprivation. It is a caste called women.

The coincidental juxtapositioning of the racist attacks on Indian students in Australia, and the riots that flared across north India last month

when members of the Dera Sach Khand, a Sikh sect comprised largely of Dalits, went on the rampage following the killing of one of their community leaders in far-off Austria, once again raises the question: Is racism the same as casteism?

Though racism continues to be practised in many parts of the world, after the end of apartheid in South Africa it has no fig leaf of political or social legitimacy. Formations like the British National Party (which has recently, for the first time, won two seats in the European Parliament) have racism as their hidden agenda; they cannot openly espouse it but disguise it under the garb of the need for stricter immigration control, and the imperative to preserve the cultural norms of the majority (white) community. The overtly racist Ku Klux Klan in America operates under the cover of anonymous masks.

As an officially sanctioned doctrine, racism has ceased to exist in the world. That it continues to be practised, in Australia and elsewhere, is deplorable, to say the least. But the forces of liberalism can at least claim a shambolic victory in that they have driven racism underground, made it the criminalised territory of mindless thugs and goons.

While organisations such as Amnesty International have equated casteism (particularly as practised against Dalits) with racism, India's official position is that the two cannot be compared. In support of this stand, policymakers point out that the Indian Constitution specifically prohibits discrimination on the basis of caste.

How valid is this argument? Tragically, not very. To begin with, the constitutionally-guaranteed policy of reservations (which continues in expanded mode till now) is in itself an admission of the need to protect lower castes from upper caste discrimination. Casteism, particularly as practised against Dalits, continues to be one of the ugliest stains on our supposedly secular and democratic social fabric. Dalits are routinely attacked, raped, denied entry into temples, and forced to suffer endless humiliations. That 'token' Dalits be it Jagjivan Ram, or Meira Kumar, or even the feisty Mayawati have earned prominent positions for themselves in our political sphere only makes the plight of the vast majority of this brutally downtrodden community all the more agonising.

In many ways, casteism is far more deeply entrenched than racism. Racism is based on the difference of physical characteristics, such as the colour of one's skin. Such visible differences, however, can be obliterated, or at least mitigated, by economic and other factors. For instance, thanks to Japan's 'economic miracle' which made that country one of the richest in the world, the apartheid regime in South Africa accorded Japanese the status of 'honorary Caucasians' who were not subject to Pretoria's segregatory laws.

There is no difference in skin colour, or in DNA, or in any other physical characteristic, between a Dalit and a Brahmin. Yet the social chasm between the two has remained unbridged for millennia. And will probably remain so in perpetuity, no matter what economic advances Dalits make.

So Indian officialdom is right when it says that racism and casteism can't be equated. They can't. For the simple reason that casteism is far more overtly rampant, more widespread and more accepted (at least in India) and more deeply ingrained in our polity than racism is anywhere in the world.

And there is one particular caste in India which, in some ways, is as equally if not more oppressed than Dalits. It is a caste that is routinely burnt alive, killed in the womb, beaten, sexually violated and often subject to lifelong abuse and deprivation. It is a caste called women.

India Exports Caste System

The word caste is derived from the Portuguese word "Casta"; meaning lineage, breed or race. Recently very interestingly 2-3 major cases of discrimination came into light from the developed nations like the United States and the United Kingdom. (First an Indian millionaire couple caught in exploiting maid, secondly a Hindu father set on fire his daughters house on fire in the US just because she married a lower caste person, and thirdly;A Boston graduate was molested and sexually abused by a Hindu Priest of a Hindu temple in Moshi, Tanzania).

Apart from all this, there was news a few days back that Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)people strengthening their base in the US and the UK universities through the Hindu students studying there. The mentality of these Hindus is like "If we cant become like the US, what is the problem? We can make the US like India!!!" I think that is what they have started working for!!

Around one in 25 people in the world experiences some form of caste discrimination.

About 300 million people suffer caste discrimination throughout the world.

More than half of these are in India.

First time in 2001, caste discrimination was brought in front of the whole world (by the people working for Dalit Rights) at the World Conference Against Racism (WCAR) held at Durban, despite India's objection. But still no change in the system, as those who were suffering earlier still continue to suffer!! Castes earlier used to exist in India, Nepal,Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh etc. Now these incidents show that caste has been exported from India to the many other developed countries, which should be the area of concern for all governments and for all those who are concerned about the basic human rights and good community relationships. These incidents are not new, as the reports (July 2006) of "Dalit Solidarity Network UK (DSN)" clearly showed caste discrimination prevailing in the UK.

When asked by DSN: "Do you believe that Indians in the UK follow the caste system?" More than 84 per cent people said YES. They agreed that caste divide people. Even in the UK, the US, Canada and other western countries there are separate Gurudawaras (Temples of Sikhs) i.e. Ramgarhia, Jat (upper caste in Punjab), and Ravidasi (followers of Guru Ravidas) people can be seen visiting different Gurudawaras as they do in Punjab. A research paper by Mark Juergensmeyer from the UK states that,"Caste relationships between caste groups seem to be upheld to a great extent, the rules of endogamy (marrying within the caste group) are still strictly followed."

People face discrimination in political, education, employment and health sector mainly as in India, though somewhat less. Former Mayor of Coventry Ram Lakha, a Labour Councilor who is a Dalit, faced intense discrimination from upper castes when he stood for election in a largely Indian ward. During campaigning he was often told that he would not get people's vote as he was a chamar. So he filed his nomination in a non-Asian constituency and was able to win.A shopkeeper in Wolverhampton, England, speaks of an incident where a customer insisted that their change be placed on the counter to avoid contact with someone from a lower caste. On a factory floor,in Wolverhampton, England, women from so-called upper castes will not take water from the same tap as a lower caste person.

"Caste has caused division and it does cause social devastation.The problem is that nobody has accepted the problem within this country (UK). Caste is one area which is totally swept under the carpet". The "Caste Divide," BBC Radio 4, April 2003 Rodiya community of Sri Lanka is considered as lower caste people. Similarly Buraku community of Japan also have suffered, as Dalits do in India, but because of the Buddhism in Sri Lanka and Japan the condition of Buraku and Rodiya people is now somewhat better than that of Dalits of India. It was thought that globalisation would wipe out caste. As caste system is so deeply rooted in Hindu religion, there is no such scope. Wherever the Hindus go, they will carry caste discrimination with themselves and stop the development and harmony in that country. Is there any scope for human development if we continue with caste discrimination? Perhaps the only escape is conversion from Hinduism, as such there is no use of living in the religion that teaches discrimination and where there is no value of humanity.

In the light of caste discrimination in developed countries, I think it is time for leaders of the United Nations to rework on the present policies related to the "Caste discrimination". And people who believe in "Basic Human Rights" from all over the world have to come forward to destroy "Hindu Caste System" and give justice to millions of people suffering for thousands of years.

Further References:-
No Escape- Caste Discrimination in the UK (Dalit Solidarity Network UK Report, July 2006).
Report is available
at www.idsn.org/Documents/pdf/UK-Diaspora.pdf

A History of the Untouchables: The Buraku and the Dalit - An article by Katelyn Coyle.

Caste discrimination - A case study for inclusion in the new equality framework -- An article by Annapurna Waughray.

Caste Discrimination Overseas - Adjourned Debate in the UK Parliament (22 November 2005).

Original Article by Pradeep Here

Nehru & Gandhi V/S Savarkar & Godse...Political journey of India

In this post I sought to find out the reasons for the new found love towards Savarkar and the attempts to create a martyr out of a cold blooded murder…. “Shri” Nathuram Godse by the Hindutva-vadi forces.

India is a nation which simply loves Hero worshipping. Indians are so much into hero worship that they occasionally put the interest of their hero’s ahead of their own interests. Another thing that common people do is that they just refuse to think with their own brains and think with the brains of their Hero’s or the self proclaimed protectors of their Hero’s ideological linage. That’s the reason why Indians are easy to fool. Politicians do it all the time. They will show Shivaji Maharaj’s photo and woo the Maratha vote, they will display Dr. Ambedkars photo and ask dalits to vote for them. Show the photos of Ram and get the Hindu votes. It really doesn’t matter if they follow the same ideology. All that matter for them is that they should be good at displaying the photos and claiming legacy.

If we look into Indian political history we will find that post independence almost till 1995 the political rule was mainly dominated by Congress with perhaps one or two small stints by Janta Dal and others. To understand what this monopoly of Congress is and its implication on common people’s lives, it is imperative to understand the condition of India post independence and the public psyche.

But before that, understand that every nation is controlled by three types of power. Every one is aware of political power. But there are two more very important powers. The economic power (controlled by the Industrialists) and the spiritual powers (Controlled by the Brahmins and spiritual leaders and various important temple trustees).These powers are self complimenting and balancing each other. Each one strives for the happiness of the other coz they know that as long as the other two are with them, they will rule the nation. Any unbalance could lead to turmoil in the nation. Now let us turn back to India.

Thanks to the traditional caste system and the atrocity of the British Empire, India was flooded with illiterates and hero worshippers during the Independence. These were the people who had shed their blood, lost their kin’s and made all the supreme sacrifice without ever bothering for the lime lights, in the pursuit of a world of freedom justice and peace, an utopian world that the Congress and Nehru promised to bring. But Nehru’s utopian society never became a reality. The promise never really got delivered.



Yet time and again Congress came back in power time and again. They could do so because they had an ace in their sleeves…the Photo of Mahatma Gandhi. Illiterate Indians actually trusted that Congress is carrying forward the legacy of Mahatma Gandhi. Looking at the photo and their past experience that Mahatma Gandhi gave them the freedom, common man felt that it was his patriotic duty to vote for congress. Nehru himself was an iconic figure as well. So actually Congress had 2 photos, one of Mahatma Gandhi and another of Nehru. Congress had its rule assured and it not only became complacent but many a politicians became arrogant as well.



Yet the congress had no fears. They had all the powers in their pocket. The industrialists were supporting them whole heartedly and Congress were making rules and regulations or rather twisting the rules and regulations to accommodate the industrialist.

Congress largely compromised of either Gandhi followers or Tilak followers and both these leaders had publicly upheld the caste system. Despite having made caste discrimination as a crime, the position of the Brahmins on the top of caste hierarchy was safe under congress rule due to these people. They showered their blessings on Congress.

The Muslims were also happy that Congress had accommodated their leaders as well.

In short, Congress was the face of the Hindu’s and Muslim’s at the national level. Those were the early days after independence. Dalits were struggling to make their ends meet and also take up education at the same time. They hardly voted or even if they did, it was under the influence of the local people and landlords of their villages. They were not a vote bank.

But slowly the dalits started getting education and demanding their rights. Initially all attempts were made to crush the dalits demands. Even for a minor demand like renaming the Maratha University after Dr.Ambedkar was made possible only after dalits self-immolated themselves. I mean seriously what great objection could any one have if Marathvada University got Ambedkars name? Many of the readers would have been too young to recall, but the argument in “secular” India was that if Ambedkars name is given to the university, the standard of the university will go down!!! Another bigotry of the savarnas is visible through their derogatory argument…why name it Ambedkar university, make Marathvada as Maharwada university…What could be more ridiculous than this? …Shahid Gautam Waghmare had to kill himself to give Ambedkars name to the University.(And for this act of renaming the university, hundereds of Dalits were killed and raped in the Marathvada region)….But R S Gavai’s long march had shown that even dalits were a power to reckon with. The Dalit panther had shown that Dalits were now willing to fight back. Though the actual renaming happened in 1994 the struggle had begun in early 1980’s.It was clear indication the dalits were waking up from their slumber...

Left with no options, the only way out was dalit appeasement. Schemes for the dalit empowerment began. Backlogs were taken little more seriously. Their problems were getting addressed to (not solve), just to show that dalits were being cared.

When all this was happening Savarkar was in the closet. No one bothered with either giving him respect or even commenting about his letters. Savarkar was neither a hero nor a villain. He was just another freedom fighter turned into social reformer, with serious allegations. Many people even from Nasik didn’t know that Savarkar was a Nasikite. And many believed him to be the murderer of Gandhiji.

But as and when the Dalits began getting empowered, the Brahmins felt their position threatened. After all they were taught that the Dalits are their unpaid servants. Now those very servants were sitting next to them, most of the times as their subordinates and some times even their superiors. This was too much for the Brahmins. They were of the opinion that Congress was responsible for the sudden rise of the dalits, or at least that Congress was not doing enough to crush the dalits.

Now happened the rift between the Congress and the Brahmins. They were unhappy with the way Congress was handling the Dalits and Congress knew that Majority was with the Dalits; Brahmins formed a mere 4%.

The only option left for them was to make a new political refuge. But the Brahmins knew all the time that their small population is a big stumbling block in their path to make a new political party. They would have absolutely no chance of making any progress unless others also thought that their salvation lied in the salvation of Brahmins. Their traditional practice came in handy once again. Brahmins, as pointed out by Dr.Ambedkar himself, has always conveniently changed his role between a Hindu and a Brahmin. When ever there was a chance to enjoy the cake he became a Brahmin and claimed the first right on it (irrespective of his contribution), but whenever he was under a threat he became a hindu, cried Hinduism is under threat and disappeared into the crowd urging others to fight. Again when the enemy was defeated he became a Brahmin and claimed his share in to rule.

Right now it was again the Brahmin who was threatened and he sought back to the same old cry…Hinduism under threat. But for Hinduism to be under threat some one needed to attack it. Who could be blamed for that? Dalits couldn’t be the scapegoats (coz their attack was more towards Brahminism). Obvious choice was the Muslim community.



To make this issue more believable, they raked up the age old Babri Masjid issue..Nothing to do with faith….It was plainly obvious...The Babri Masjid was never a problem in India post independence till 1984 when VHP brought out this issue..Hindutva card of BJP was out.Muslim community which was largely silent till those days post independence was intentionally provoked. They started hurling all abuses toward the Muslim community. There were slogans that “Muslim is a foreigner kick him out” by those very people with the same intensity said that “Muslims forcibly convert Indians”(without even seeing this as funny that they were indirectly saying kick Indians out of India because they are not Indians and are foreigners). And the final nail in the coffin was the demolition of the Babari Masjid. Any community would retaliate to such a cohesive execution of power without any regards to the law. Till 1984 even the BJP had no objections to the age old structure. But just to create an issue, they started an all out war against the Muslims. Demolition followed by riots. ISI and Pak saw this as a god sent opportunity to disrupt India. Then started the series of attacks and counter attacks…riots followed by bomb blasts and bomb blasts followed by riots.

For all this time Savarkar was still in the closet. But BJP was gaining power. It was posing as a serious threat to the Congress. But they had to negate the strength of Congress with their own. Congress still had Mahatma Gandhi and Nehru’s photos. To counter the Gandhian ideology, BJP needed a personality who would have to be actively involved in Freedom Struggle, who would be a critic of Gandhiji and who supported the Hindutva cause….



Who else?….. Savarkar had all the qualifications. But the only problem was that he was long forgotten. But that was never a problem. All that was needed was just one issue. And this was an easy task. Savarkar’s photo should be hung in the parliament….was all that BJP needed to be asked. BJP knew fully well that Congress would never agree to this as Savarkar was one of the accused in Gandhiji Murder case. An issue was raised as expected and taking the advantage of the chaos created BJP RSS and other hindutvavadi parties started character assassination of Gandhiji and Nehru. Quotes were being brought about from “My experiments with Truth” and Nehru’s Islamic ties were brought out in the open. Sever criticism on his character started happening. After all the real intentions were to pull Gandhiji and Nehru from their iconic stature and make Savarkar larger than life. All the things that were being said about Gandhiji and Nehru were present right from the time of independence. But no hindutvavadi’s thought about talking of them till then. The reasons were that Hindutva forces were kept happy. Only when they began to get neglected by the Congress, these things started.

After the personal attacks it was necessary for the BJP to some how associate Congress with Anti-Nationalism. And for that began another notorious attempt. After Gandhiji’s murder even the RSS and Hindu Mahasabha had disassociated themselves from Nathuram Godse. He was, as described by Times of India, a lunatic and terrorist and no one seemed to have any problem with that.Efforts to make Godse as a martyr were done with this point of view.Coz if Godse becomes a hero then naturally the person he killed becomes a villan. Naturally image cleansing of Godse had to be done. Attempts were made to show that this very lunatic was actually a genius of a strong Character. “Hindutva is nationalism” was the cry of this saffron brigade which had gelled well with the common mass. Godse died for this very cause was being said.After creating Savarkar follwers the Hindutvavadi forces were creating Godse fans.You will rarely find that a person who claims to be Savarkars follower criticizes Godse as well, Because both types are actually the product of same school of thought.




It was very clear that Godse couldn’t be elevated to the status of Gandhiji Nehru or Savarkar. What ever little image cleaning was done was used by the BJP. Strong Anti-Gandhi statements like Gandhi was father of Pakistan and not India were being said through his mouths. Attacks on Gandhiji were done using Godse. Godse who was a long forgotten criminal was suddenly into the limelight and the sole purpose of bringing out the skeleton of this murderer was to tackle Gandhiji. And they are successful in that. Proof of it is easily visible…open google and type “Shri Nathuram Gode” in quotes and over 160 pages will be found.

When BJP was attacking Congress, how could Congress remain silent? BJP had attacked the supreme of the Congress so congress had to hit back …their strike would have to be the Supreme of the Hindutva ideology. If BJP was going to bring out the dark side of Gandhiji, Congress would bring out the dark side of Savarkar was well. Savarkar’s letters came out in the Market.(Know More) A big question mark on Savarkar’s patriotism was put up. Now coming to think about it, even Savarkar’s letters were present from 1947.No one spoke about it till now. The only reason that it saw the day of the light was because of Counter attack by the Congress.

The lust for power by both is compelling them to do the shameful acts. But no one seems to regret about it…After all what they say about the politicians is true…Politicians are thick skinned pigs and pigs are always going to get dirty and make others dirty.The only positive thing is that truth which was carefully concealed till then started coming out.

It certainly doesn’t seem to be out of place for the BJP, whose farce of Hindutva started with the rise of Dalits, should oppose Dalits at every possible opportunity. Under the guise of changing the constitution, they want to put an end to reservation system…the only way for the emancipation of Dalits.

Today politics is played over dead Gandhiji dead Nehru dead Savarkar and dead Godse and the life of living citizens is made hell.(Muslims live in fear of riots, Dalits are getting raped and killed).One just wonders what is the next low they are going to stoop to?

Riddle of Bhagvad Geeta.

Geeta is without doubt one of the more important texts of Hinduism....infact for certain sect it is the most supreme text, so much so that even in the court today Hindus have to say "Main Geeta par Haath Rakh ke Kasam khata hoon...".Well but does this book pass the test of clarity/logic???

To begin with even the origin of Geeta is unknown.Every one knows that Geeta is a dialog between Arjuna and Krishna in the Mahabharata.But the question is that how did it reach us? The talk between Arjuna and Krishna was strictly verbal.No one except Arjun could see the "Virat roop" of Krishna because the latter had given him some sort of spiritual sight.But there is no mention of Arjuna taking down any notes on paper (or whatever writing material that was used at that time).The happenings on the battlefield were visible to only one another person in the whole world and that was Sanjay through the spiritual powers bestowed upon him by some sage.But again whatever he saw he narrated to Drhitarastra.There is no mention of him writing it down either.So naturally the question arises, who penned down the Geeta??When only 2 persons on this earth could possibly know what was happening there at kurukshetra and neither of them noted it down or assisted anyone to write it then just how the hell did Gita turn into a book?Even Ved Vyasa who wrote down the epic didnt include the contents of Gita in his Mahabharata. So in all probability Geeta in an latter inclusion to the epic, authenticity of which is unknown.And this doesnt end here.One can easily say if he studies gita that the composer is himself a confused man and probably so desperate to get a divine status to his creation that he didnt want to risk hurting anyone and hence included diametrically opposite things and argued that both are the truth.The result is that Gita is in itself full of contradictions.Just take a look at the amount of self contradictions:

At one point, Krishna tells Arjuna that action is the most important thing and without action one will be nowhere. But after that He tells him that action is all right but knowledge is better! Then Krishna says, ‘‘You must become a yogi and drop everything around you.’’ Then Krishna tells him: ‘‘He is intelligent who sees ‘action’ in ‘inaction’ and ‘inaction’ in ‘action’.’’ What does this mean? It means even if you don't do something you have acted — simply by ‘not doing’.
If you do something then too you have not acted, for in your not acting here, something else could have happened — you could have done something else. Even though you have acted, there is ‘inaction’; because you did this, you couldn't do something else. So every ‘action’ has ‘inaction’ and every ‘inaction’ has got an ‘action’ connected to it.

And then Krishna takes Arjuna towards Dhyana Yoga — meditation. In the sixth chapter of the Bhagvad Gita, he tells Arjuna that since he is confused, there is no use talking. He asks him to meditate. Finally, Krishna says, ‘‘Arjuna, he is the greatest amongst the yogis who keeps Me in his heart whether he meditates or not. He is the real yogi, because I am with him in whatever he is doing.’’

The contradictions don’t end there. At one juncture, Krishna says, ‘‘Arjuna, there is nobody dear to me, nobody whom I love.’’ And then gives a whole list of qualifications for those He really loves!

In another instance, Krishna tells Arjuna to act without looking for the fruit of action. Later He asks Arjuna to act properly, according to natural law. Then He tells him the way he ought to fight if he wants to win the war. So, at this point He is bringing Arjuna's attention to the fruit of action, but then He also tells him not to worry about the fruit of action.

Krishna was like a dear friend to Arjuna. In Bhagavat, you will see that except for Vidura and Udhava, nobody even thought he was enlightened; they all thought that he was just very smart. Of course, there were the Pandavas and the gopis who knew who Krishna was and how total He was from all angles. But many of them, including Arjuna, did not see him that way.

But then Krishna shows him, in one minute, that He is infinite. He tells Arjuna, ‘‘You can't see without the eye of knowledge; so now I will give you a special eye of knowledge, which I have haven't given anybody in ages. I am giving it to you now because it is time.’’ With that, He gives him a vision, a flash. For that one moment the universe appears as a manifestation of Krishna to Arjuna. Arjuna’s mind is shattered that moment. He sees all of creation, everything — the mountains and the rivers, the past, the present and the future — dissolving in Krishna. He sees that Krishna is that space, that infinity, into which everything is coming in and dissolving. For an instant, the whole life, the whole universe, all the memory and all that was associated with it just plays out like a movie and it frightens Arjuna.
Then Arjuna pleads, ‘‘Oh! Please show me your simple, natural and friendly face. I like your simple smile and I want to see my friend. I don't want to see anything beyond. It is too much for me.’’ This is called Vishva Roopa Darshana — the vision of the universal.

Thereafter, Krishna tells Arjuna about the yagyas and all the principles and the laws under which the society and universe works. Then He talks about sanyasa and how to be really centered.

For instance, an event or an instance should be seen as just that — an event, an instance or a happening. But it sticks to the mind and you try to get rid of it. The event assumes importance and the mind is caught up in it — ‘‘Oh! He said that, they said this, they didn't say this, etc.’’

Once the event goes away, then you feel a sense of great relief. You suddenly discover peace inside you.
Your very nature is peace. In the centre of you, you are peace. The moment this disturbance gets thrown out, you can actually feel it — all the brain cells, and the entire brain becomes so calm and settled the moment this garbage goes out.

And deep inside you can really smile as a flame of peace. Arjuna asks Krishna, ‘‘What you say is very magical and joyful. But it's not easy. This mind is difficult to control. It's like controlling air — can anybody control air?’’

Then Krishna says, ‘‘I agree with you. It is difficult but not impossible. Abhyasena tu Kaunteya — with practice, dispassion and by getting to the centre again, you will succeed.’’ You will see that Krishna tried everything.

Finally it was the display of the universal vision that worked on Arjuna. People cannot change just by visions also. Krishna does not really bring about the realization totally from outside — it needs something more.

That is why after Krishna led Arjuna to the infinite vision, he speaks on what is dear to him, on devotion, and then he comes on all the other things you know —about creation and even about food.

But when Arjuna says, ‘‘I give up,’’ Krishna says, ‘‘I can't do anything; you think and do whatever is best for you. First ponder on whatever I have said and then act.’’ Arjuna says, ‘‘No, now I am clear in my mind. I'll do whatever you will say.’’ So, Krishna had to speak through 18 chapters to get him to that point and interestingly gave all these knowledge in the middle of battle field. Krishna could have done it at the very first chapter. But it is beautiful the way(sic) this knowledge has flown.

Everything may appear to be all contradictory, if seen from all angles. But that is in fact reality.......and some of which is so fundamental ....for instance Krishna being the incarnation of Lord Himslef, is at least expected to be sure of things before giving sermons and yet there are numerous places where Krishna starts his dialog with "It appears that..." or "It seems so ...." or even "I think it is ...."

No wonder that poor Arjuna is more confused than what he was in the beginning and ends up saying to Krishna "Now I am clear in my mind(obviously about what to do)" and then says "I will do what ever you say(coz I dont have a clue as to what to do)"...Can anyone say this is logical????

आमचा वाटा !

The agony of the dalits was very accurately depicted by this great man time and again in his immortal poems.Read one of his great work :

लोकशाहीर वामनदादा कर्डक

सांगा आम्हाला बिर्ला बाटा टाटा कुठाय हो?
सांगा धनाचा साठा आमचा वाटा कुठाय हो?

घाम शेतात आमचा गळे, चोर ऐतच घेऊन पळे
धन चोरांचा हा पळण्याचा फाटा कुठाय हो?

न्याय वेशीला टांगा सदा, माल त्याचा की आमचा वदा
करा निवाडा आणा तराजु , काटा कुठाय हो?

लोणी सारं तिकडं पळं, इथं भुकेनं जिवडा जळं
दुकानवालेदादा आमचा आटा कुठाय हो?

इथ बिऱ्‍हाड उघड्यावर, तिथं लुगडी लुगड्यावर
या दुबळीचं धुडकं-फडकं धाटा कुठाय हो?

इथं मीठ मिरची अन् तुरी, तिथं मुरगी काटा सुरी
सांगा आम्हाला मुरगी कटलेट काटा कुठाय हो?

शोधा सारे साठे चला, आज पाडा वाडे चला
वामनदादा आमचा घुगरी घाटा कुठाय हो?

Why Babri Masjid was destroyed on 6th Dec only?

Babri Masjid's destruction was the beginning point of India's tryst with terror, a meeting which refuses to get over.So lets get into more detail on as to why 6th Dec was only chosen....This is an article especially for my Bahujan friends.



Was it a mere coincidence that the Babri mosque was demolished on December 6? Of course, there are strong reasons to believe that the event was not an act of spontaneous mob frenzy but rather an outcome of a high-level conspiracy. No wonder the issue was utilised by the Sangha Parivar to generate communal euphoria across the length and breadth of the country. Moreover, this euphoria was manufactured and nourished sequentially and saw its logical culmination in the ultimate levelling of the mosque. However, the pertinent question is: what drove the saffron forces to chose this particular date for their heinuous act? What was so especial about this particular date that it overrided all other options in the 366 days of that year (1992 being a leap year)? A scrutiny of this question, I posit,would unveil the true character of Hindu communalism or Hindutva completely.

As we are all aware the class struggle between the exploiters and exploited sections continues unceasingly in all human societies. Though at certain critical junctures in history this struggle manifests itself in violent forms most of the time it is fought unabated at the psychological level. This psychological war is fought between the collective/folk memory of the people and the institutionalised memory of the oppressors. The strategy of the ruling classes everwhere and at all times has been to efface this folk memory of the people which is nothing but an historical record of the resistance offered by the people and their heroes to the powers that be. Of course, the oppressors are aware that the oppressed sections get more agitated listening to the tyranny meted out to their ancestors than the fact of actual oppression that they face themselves. Hence the powerful use all the instruments at their disposal to erase this collective memory—from the organs of the state to all the institutions of indoctrination (education) and propaganda (media/cinema). They are also often successful at that.

On the other hand the subject classes strive to eternalise this collective memory by bequeathing it to the successive generations through its own literature, culture, art and folk traditions. In our own times the autobiographies being penned by Dalit authors exemplify this best. They also celebrate and observe the decisive dates in their history or those associated with their leaders (their birth and death anniversaries for instance) to keep the flame of their cause alive. How this memory of tyranny unleashed against their ancestors inspires the oppressed to do something remarkable can be glimpsed in one of the statements by Vivian Richards, a reknowned Black cricketer from Antigua in West Indies. Richards, as we all know, was not only a sportsman par excellence but also a vocal crusader against racial injustice. He once said:

Every member of my team is haunted by the memory of white oppression faced by our ancestors for centuries. When we bowl lethally at them or bat explosively it is as if we are extracting revenge from them for those misdeeds and consequently restoring prestige for our race.

Hence, we can see how this collective memory often acts as the chief weapon in the armoury of the oppressed sections. However, there are certain memories which the powerful can never erase despite their best efforts. In such cases they take recourse to adulterating this memory and channelising it for their own nefarious ends. I contend that on December 6, 1992 when the Babri mosque was razed to the ground similar efforts were made. But I will come back to it later. First a few words on the true character of Hindutva.

The paramount feature of the Hindu faith is the caste system. Moreover, the ideology of Hindutva only nurtures and sustains this system. In Gita, which is accorded the highest place in the corpus of Hindu scriptures, God animated as Krishna states that the varna system is His creation. Besides, all the scriptures of Hindu faith unequivocally support the caste system. It can be further asserted that those sitting pretty at the top of the varna hierarchy have their dominance, superiority, privileges, heaven, salvation, or for that matter everything, secure so far as the varna system operates. How the superiority of the twice-born and their social, political, economic and cultural hegemony can be perennially maintained seems to be the primary concern of the sanatana dharma. Otherwise why do proponents of Hindutva go berserk on the question of 27% reservation for the Other Backward Classes (OBC’s)?



The real history of India is yet to be written. The central role of the struggle against the caste system in the historical development of this land has not yet been rigorously investigated. This will only become a reality once the Dalit-Bahujan masses undergo a process of cultural revolution or, dialectically speaking, it is the very writing of this history that will inaugurate the cultural revolution for Dalit-Bahujan masses.

The history of India is an account of the struggles against the caste system. The emergence of Jainism, Buddhism, Sikhism or the influx of Islamic and Christian faiths and their acceptability would not have been possible but for the caste system. One may also propose that it is this very exploitative system which is responsible for the historical stagnation of the productive forces and development of knowledge and science in this country. This historical stagnation was however, consciously or otherwise, arrested by the advent of the British colonial state. In this respect the formulations of Karl Marx, Raja Rammohun Roy and Jotiba Phule bear remarkable similarity. In the mediaeval ages many a dalit-bahujan took a sigh of relief at the demolition of the Hindu temples by the Muslim invaders as these temples were also centres of social power parallel to the state. In these temples the entry of shudra-atishudra was prohibited quite unlike the mosques, churches. gurudwaras or monasteries which were more or less open to general masses and they could pray there collectively without a thought of high and low pervading the sacred premises. Even during the heydays of the struggle against British colonialism the banner of revolt against social imperialism was hurled high by people like Jotiba Phule, Narayana Guru, Periyar, Shahuji Maharaj and Babasaheb Ambedkar. Organisations like Bihar’s Triveni Sangha multiplied in all parts of the country.



The developments since Independence also narrate the story of this struggle—the protagonists being Dr. Rammanohar Lohia, Karpuri Thakur, Kanshiram, Annadurai, BP Mandal and VP Singh.

The anti-caste proclivities received a great boost when VP Singh government announced its decision to implement the Mandal Commission recommendations. In the wake of this move by VP Singh the challenge posed by Dalit-Bahujan masses to the caste elite multiplied tenfold times. Thus they unleashed the genie of kamandal to counter the politics of Mandal. Advani subsequently stormed the nation on his ‘Ram-rath’ leaving behind a trail of blood whereever the rath crossed. When Laloo Prasad finally arrested him BJP withdrew support from the VP Singh government thereby ‘chastising’ him for attempting the unpardonable. Communal polarisation and galvanisation by the Hindutva forces gained momentum resulting in the ultimate demolition of the Babri mosque. No wonder, the ‘Brahmin’ and Brahminist Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao kept himself busy with an afternoon siesta on a wintry day and by the time he woke up the mosque had been razed to the ground.

There seem to be many reasons behind the demolition of the mosque. First, to counter the influence of Mandal by the valour of demolition. Second, to transform the feeling of defeatism plaguing the Hindu psyche due to repeated defeats at the hands of invaders (a consequence of the divisive caste system one may add) into a feeling of glory. Third, to dilute the social contradictions and varna struggle arising out of the assertion of the dalit-bahujan masses by a wider Hindu resurgence and unity. Fourth, the consolidation of the Hindu vote bank by arousing communal passions for BJP in order to achive the ideal of the so-called Hindu Rashtra and so on. However, when we investigate the reason behind a particular choice of date (December 6) we are informed of at least one more reason.

In the twentieth century the major challenge to Hindutva has been indisputably presented by Dr. BR Ambedkar. This challenge, albeit political at first sight, is largely an ideological one. Along with Ambedkar two other names can be shortlisted for having contested Hindutva effectively—namely, Ramaswamy Naicker (or Periyar) and Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia. It is unfortunate that Periyar’s influence remained restricted to South India only. Lohia’s slogan pichda pawe sau mein sath (let the backward bag sixty out of hundred) effectively challenged the political power of the proponents of Hindutva. The process of social change and consciousness we witness in North India today, especially in UP and Bihar, would have been scarcely possible without the contribution of Lohiaite ideology. However, one can surely find grounds to critique the contradictions and inconsistencies in his thought regarding Hindu religion, philosophy and tradition. Despite his powerful slogans this lacuna in his thought severely hampers the march of the caravan of social justice towards any meaningful destination. A harmonious integration of Lohiaite and Ambedkarite ideology is therefore imperative to give the much required edge to the politics of social justice.

The Saffron brigade trembles when it hears the names of Ambedkar or Periyar. Afterall, it is they who have bitterly exposed the reality of Hindu faith and have established beyond doubt that this faith is nothing but Brahmanism or the varna system. Both urged their followers not to stop before the complete destruction of this religion. While Periyar swithched to atheism for this purpose Ambedkar advocated disowning of Hinduism and adoption of Buddhism respectively. It is another matter that even Buddhism is silent on the concept of God.

Despite being a constitutionalist Dr. Ambedkar often finds a pride of place in the league of the world’d greatest revolutionaries. He stood up to combat a system that had been reigning undeterred in this country for the last three thousand years. He could not have urged the voiceless and powerless untouchables leading a life worse than animals for attempting an armed insurrection. That is why he was a constitutionalist. By investigating meticulously the Hindu religious scriptures and authoring powerful tracts (like Riddles in Hinduism, Annhilation of Caste and Revolution and CounterRevolution in Ancient India), and, also by such powerful symbolic gestures like setting Manusmriti on fire and articulating and voicing the concerns and demands of the untouchables in various round table conferences, he laid bare the hypocrisy, contradictions and inhumanity of the Hindu religion and society in front of the whole world. He did not even deter from engaging in a vitriolic polemic and conflict with a personality like Gandhi in order to secure an independent identity and place for Dalits in the Indian political landscape. On the one hand he managed to pocket a few concessions for the dalits by making his way into the Constituent assembly, on the other he also criticised the Indian Constitution on various counts in no uncertain terms. When he became the first law minister in independent India, he strived and struggled to ameliorate the condition of Hindu society, and especially the pitiable condition of its women, by drafting the ‘Hindu Code Bill’ and making efforts to get it passed in the Parliament. However, his efforts came a cropper due to the influence of fanatic Hindus in the Congress party and government which were against modern and radical reforms. Now he saw no point in continuing as a member of Hindu society. During all these years he had been postponing the actualisation of his call to leave Hindu religion that he gave twenty years back. All this time he had been genuinely working at reconciliation with his adversaries. But now he could take it no longer. He converted to Buddhism with lakhs of his followers and reestablished the faith that had been exiled from the country of its origin some fifteen centuries back due to the inexcusable crime of challenging the caste system. In other words, Dr. BR Ambedkar now donned the mantle of a modern Buddha.

Until the day the Indian society liberates itself from the tentacles of the caste system his legacy shall continue to inspire the dalit-bahujan masses. It would be a parochial stance if we recognise Ambedkar only as a champion of shudras-atishudras. He is the leader of all Hindus because his primary concern was to liberate the entire Hindu society by breaking innumerable divisive caste walls. The path of liberation, for a Brahmin as well as a scavenger, from this inhumane caste system is ingrained in the theoretical insights of Ambedkar.

This is the only reason why Dr. Ambedkar’s life, actions, thoughts and struggle pose such a great challenge for Hindutva. His ideology is a guide to action for th dalit-bahujan masses. However, the efforts to destroy his legacy continue to proliferate. It is to meet such sinister objectives that books like Worshipping False Gods are written by Saffron theoreticians like Arun Shourie. Surely, for them a memory which cannot be erased, a legacy which cannot be vanuished can be surely mitigated by aduleration, illusions and sleight of hand pure and simple.

On December 6, 1992 when the nation was observing the death anniversary of Dr. Ambedkar, the Sangha Parivar was engaged in demolishing the Babri mosque with the aid of thousands of its cadres and supporters. A countervailing ‘Hindu glory’ was being forged opposed to Dr. Ambedkar’s memory. Hindutva was making unholy inroads into the dalit-bahujan psyche generally permeated with Ambedkar’s legacy till then. An intense psychological war was witnessed which was no less lethal or violent than the organised and frequent pogroms against dalits and Muslims.

One may well ask why was Ambedkar’s birth anniversary (14 April) not chosen as a date for demolition? The answer is simple. In comparison to his death anniversary his birth anniversary is widely celebrated with much vitality and grandeur. It would have been a risky proposition because then their anti-Ambedkar ideology would have been brought out into broad daylight. They could not have afforded such a big risk at that time. Babri mosque is afterall not the last mosque to be levelled. There are other mosques on their hit-list as well. Whenever they find themselves powerful enough to take such a risk they will show the temerity to do so. Why only Ambedkar there are many other icons that give sleepless nights to the Hundutva forces.

In the end, the explanation rendered above is purely theoretical. No concrete proof was available for this assumption. However, later I happened to discover a somewhat similar proof in some extracts of Malay Krishna Dhar’s book Open Secrets: India’s Intelligence Unveiled published in Outlook (Hindi, 7 Feb 2005):

On 25th December K. N. Govindacharya called me on phone and expressed his desire to come over for dinner to my house along with two of his friends…After dinner the conversation continued till midnight. I shivered from what I got to learn from my friends. They gave me sufficient indications that the Sangha Parivar was not obverse to the demolition of the mosque and putting in its place a temple-like structure…Why only December? I asked. Gurumurthy promptly replied that I should read history once again. Did not Mahmud Gaznavi destroy Somnath temple on December 1025?

It is strange that the author did not ask why only on a particular day in December. It is also possible that the author may have asked the question and would have been promptly replied back that because it is the death anniversary of Dr. Ambedkar, and that he did not share this part of the conversation with his readers for the fear of completely unmasking the mindset of the saffron brigade..Who knows?

I would just like to end this article with the poem of Kaifi AazmiRead it and Think.

Doosra Banwas

raam banwaas se jab lautke ghar meiN aaye
yaad jungle bahut aayaa jo nagar meiN aaye
rakh-se diivaangii aaNgan meiN jo dekhaa hogaa
6 disumbar ko shrii raam ne sochaa hogaa
itne divaane kahaaN se mere ghar ko aaye
jagmagaate the jahaaN raam ke kadmoN ke nishaaN
pyaar kii kahkashaaN letii thii angRaaii jahaaN
moR nafrat ke usii rahguzar se aaye

dharm kyaa unkaa hai kyaa zaat hai yeh jaantaa kaun
ghar naa jaltaa tou unhe raat meiN pahchaantaa kaun
ghar jalaane ko meraa log jo ghar meiN aaye

shaakaahaarii hai mere dost tumhaaraa khanjar
tumne baabar ki taraf pheNke the saare pathar
hai mere sar kii khataa zakhm jo sar meiN aaye

paaNv saryu meiN abhii raam ne dhoye bhii naa the
ki nazar aaye vahaaN khuun ke gahre dhabe
paaNv dhoye binaa saryu ke kinaare se uThe
raajdhaani kii fizaa aayii nahii raas mujhe
6 disambar ko milaa duusraa banvaas mujhe